link : By Importing $5 worth of goods from China for every $1 worth of Exports, India is funding Beijing’s encirclement strategy
By Importing $5 worth of goods from China for every $1 worth of Exports, India is funding Beijing’s encirclement strategy
For the next generation of artillery guns too, India has decided to go West, with the US made M177 howitzers to be inducted into India’s new mountain divisions. Future cannons will come from Samsung-Techwin of South Korea.
Communication systems of the Indian Army are almost totally supplied by American companies.
NAVAL WARFARE ::
The Indian Navy has had a long – and fruitful – partnership with Russian companies for attack vessels. From the flagship aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya – and its complement of MiG-29K fighters – to the fleet of destroyers, frigates and missile boats, the navy relies on Russia. For those not in the loop, Vikramaditya is the largest warship ever built for export.
It seems nothing has changed since the 1960s when India first acquired the Osa class missile boats. These boats attacked Karachi harbour during the 1971 War, and the city burned for a week. Interestingly, the missile boats were meant for “shore defence” but in an example of Indian ingenuity, the Indian Navy unleashed the Osas in “shore attack” mode.
As many as 10 of the navy’s 14 submarines – both diesel and nuclear powered – are of Russian origin. During the Kargil War, INS Sindhurakshak – since lost in an accident in port – was lurking off Karachi waiting for the signal to launch its Klub missiles in a reprise of the 1971 War.
The next generation of offensive vessels – Kilo class diesel submarines, Arihant class n-subs and Talwar class stealth frigates – are also of Russian design or make.
Again, when it comes to maritime transport, India has chosen Japan’s US-2 amphibious aircraft over the Russian Beriev Be-200 Altair. Although the Beriev is a proven design and is popular worldwide – Portugal, Greece and Israel among other countries have used it for fire fighting – India’s decision seems understandable in the backdrop of growing strategic ties with Japan.
You get the picture – when it comes to weapons required for offensive warfare, Russia seems to be the obvious and natural choic
" data-image-meta="[]" data-image-title="Offensive Weapons of destruction :: Russia remains India’s primary defence partner" data-large-file="" data-medium-file="" data-orig-file="" data-orig-size="" data-permalink="http://ift.tt/2sbGo2U" data-recalc-dims="1" src="https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/blogger_img_proxy/AEn0k_tBmzjGPgwMqkDbGdgfJM9LfayQ-yAODWF1MxeyU76kfEtm_9kcsmS_krpfg86A5LjHDf0TjCcB=s0-d">In Beijing’s view, India is a critical ‘swing State’ that increasingly is moving to the US camp, undercutting Xi’s ambition to establish a Sino-centric Asia through an expanded tianxia system of the 15th century. Given India’s vantage geographical location, China needs its participation to plug key gaps in Xi’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) project. But India not only boycotted Xi’s OBOR summit but has also portrayed OBOR as an opaque, neo-colonial enterprise seeking to ensnare smaller, cash-strapped states in a debt trap.
China may have orchestrated the Sikkim standoff not so much to cast a shadow over the Modi-Trump discussions as to warn Modi that his increasing tilt toward the US will carry long-term costs. China is already stepping up its direct and surrogate threats against India. One example is the proliferation of incursions and other border incidents since the 2005 India-US nuclear deal, which laid out a strategic framework for the US to co-opt India. China is also waging a psy-war through media.
With Chinese forces aggressively seeking to nibble away at Indian territory, India’s Himalayan challenge has been compounded by a lack of an integrated approach that blends military, economic and diplomatic elements into a coherent strategy. Modi, for example, has allowed China’s trade surplus with India to double on his watch to almost $60 billion. By comparison, India’s trade surplus with the US is about half of that, yet Trump wants urgent Indian action to balance the two-way trade.
By importing $5 worth of goods from China for every $1 worth of exports to it, India not only rewards Chinese belligerence but also foots the bill for Beijing’s encirclement strategy. Beijing’s annual trade surplus with India is large enough for it to finance one China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) every calendar year and still have a few billion dollars to spare. India’s most powerful weapon against China is trade. Given China’s proclivity to deploy trade as a political weapon, as against South Korea in the latest case, why doesn’t India take a page out of the Chinese playbook?
India also needs to eschew accommodating rhetoric that plays into China’s hands. Modi’s recent statement that — despite the boundary dispute — “not a single bullet has been fired” was music to Chinese ears, with Beijing going out of its way to welcome it. In truth, China’s bullet-less Himalayan aggression, as the Sikkim episode demonstrates, is similar to the way it has expanded its control in the South China Sea. Indian statements should not give comfort to an adversary that employs furtive, creeping actions to alter the frontier bit by bit.
Meanwhile, China, by arbitrarily suspending Indians’ pilgrimage to the sacred duo of Mount Kailash and Lake Manasarover, is reminding New Delhi to review its Tibet policy. To blunt China’s Tibet-linked claims to Indian territories and to defend against the growing Chinese pressure, India must subtly reopen Tibet as an outstanding issue. Theoretically, India has a better historical claim to Kailash-Manasarover than China has to Arunachal Pradesh, where no Han Chinese set foot until the 1962 invasion.
Make no mistake: Despite the cosy ties with Washington, India, essentially, is on its own against China. It needs to bolster its border defences and boost its nuclear and missile deterrent capabilities. The US, with a price tag of up to $3 billion, is offering 22 unarmed MQ-9B unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) for surveillance, not the “hunter-killer” UAVs India needs to counter the emerging Indian Ocean threat from China. By investing that kind of money, India could develop potent new deterrent instruments against China — intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and long-range cruise missiles, the symbols of power in today’s world.
Source:-Hindustan Times
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